The Moscow Times reports that the Russian government published its blacklist of books, articles, pamphlets, films and records in Rossiiskaya gazeta on Saturday. The list includes 14 works that the Putin government says incites racial and political hatred. Sergei Vasil’ev, the Head of the State Registrar, told the state newspaper that “Russian citizens must know that displays are one of the sources for extremism that are dangerous enemies to society’s stability and well being.”
There are currently two statutes on the Russian Criminal Code that pertain to extremist speech. The first concerns calling out for or verballing inciting “extremist activities.” The other punishes the “agitation of hatred, animosity, or degradation of human dignity”. Conviction of either carries of a maximum prison sentence of five years.
The list consists of the following:
- “Music for White People,” The Order.
- Book of Monotheism, Muhammed idn Sulaiman al-Tamimi.
- Letters of the Kuban Rada of the Spiritual Ancestral Power of Rus’, N. M. Lezinskii, V. M. Gerasev.
- For Russian People, newspaper.
- The Eternal Jew (1940)
- Mother Earth: the Miraculous Miracle, the Marvellous Marvel. An Introduction to Geobiology , A. A. Dobrovol’skii.
- “Paganism as Magic,” A. A. Dobrovol’skii.
- “Who is Afraid of Russian National Socialism,” A. A. Dobrovol’skii.
- “The Judeo-Christian Plague,” A. A. Dobrovol’skii
- “Svatoslavie,” A. A. Dobrovol’skii.
- One Day We Will Come from Rotten Tomatoes, A. A. Nikolaevnko.
- The SS Knocked on Your Door, the Bastards . . ., A. A. Nikolaevnko.
- Fulfilling the Wishes of the Lord’s Thought, A. A. Nikolaevnko.
- The Most Constructive Party,” A. A. Nikolaevnko.
One can see from the list the targets are Neo-Nazism, Islamic fundamentalism, and radical Russian nationalism. Particularly cited are the works of A. A. Dobrovol’skii and A. A. Nikolaevnko. According to the Russian human rights group, Demos, the latter was convicted in July 2005 for the publication of his article, “The Most Constructive Party” in the newspaper Kurs. He was sentenced six months in a labor colony and deprived of practicing journalism for two years.
Dobrovolskii is an advocate for neo-paganism which emerged in the 1970s and 1980s as the wave of “Third Russian Nationalism.” The publication of his articles have led to several convictions in local Russian courts.
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By Sean — 11 years ago
Alexander Zaitchik and Mark Ames tackle the rise of skinhead violence in Russia in the latest issue of the Nation. As they point out, what was a trademark of Islamists–i.e. the beheading video–has now been adopted by Russian skins. In addition to the video, they note other signs of an escalation in skinhead violence. Namely the attack on anti-nuclear activists in Angarsk which left one antifa activist dead.
For sure there are numerous other examples of far right violence one could mention. And it seems that the Russian state is beginning to have enough. Earlier this month, a St. Petersburg court sentenced seven teens for killing an antiracist activist. The anti-extremism law seems to be applied more and more to the far right. This is despite the fact that today Russian authorities confiscated the computers from the Tolerance Support Foundation in Nizhny Novgorod under the auspices of the extremism law. If targeting NGOs doesn’t reveal the law’s wide political application, the Wall Street Journal reports that Valery Panyushkin, a correspondent for the business daily Vedomosti, was briefly detained by police. Police didn’t allow him to board a train until he “signed a statement that he wasn’t a member of any extremist organization.” And of course there is the case, again in St. Petersburg, of Andrei Piontkovsky, a political analyst and member of Yabloko, having his recent book “Unloved Country” deemed extremist. If all that wasn’t enough, there is the strange story in the yesterday’s Moscow Times about PyotrGagarin. Gagarin, a 71 year old pensioner, has been charged with “extremism” for comments he made about Orel Governor Igor Stroyevduring a protest against rising utility costs. If convicted, Gagarin could get three years in the slammer. When thinking about the Russian extremist law, then, one should keep in mind that it works well against both the right and the left. Extremism is always deemed to exist on the margins, and therefore the law is also a means to carve out an acceptable political center.
But I digress. The flexibility, to say the least, of the Russian extremism law shouldn’t elicit any surprise.
The important question in regard to skinhead violence is asZaitchik and Ames say, “whether the rise in skinhead violence is a strictly organic phenomenon or whether it is being manipulated or even encouraged from above.” On this they write:
Russia is holding parliamentary elections in December and presidential elections next March, and with President Vladimir Putin preparing to step down, the battle among various clan elites is turning increasingly nasty. The website kavkazcenter.com isn’t alone in suggesting that the FSB (formerly the KGB) may have had a hand in the beheading video with the aim of destabilizing the political situation, which presumably would empower the siloviki, or security services, who form one of the two most powerful clan elites. Alternatively, the Kremlin could be trying to discredit extremist nationalists beyond its power, in order to draw voters closer to the Kremlin’s brand of somewhat more staid nationalism.
Such plots aren’t that farfetched. Going back to Yeltsin’s and even Gorbachev’s time, neo-Nazi organizations like Pamyat and Russian National Unity have been manipulated by (and in some cases invented by) Russian security organs to serve as convenient bogeymen who scare both the West and the local population into supporting the government in power.
It is true, the Kremlin and its supporters have willfully played the “populist race card” to raise their political capital. And also as the authors point out, while the Kremlin has dealt this card, they are also looking to control it. A dangerous game indeed and not one without a certain measure of hubris. Unleashing populist forces tends to open up a space where those below outrun and often go beyond the desired actions and rhetorics of those above.
And this is why I think that stating the rise in skinhead violence as simply manufactured from above is a misnomer. Displacing skinhead violence onto some kind of ever scheming, omnipotent Kremlin elides the fact that it is clear racism has a growing constituency in Russia. Thankfully, Ames andZaitchik seem to understand this. They qualify the above with:
And yet the skinhead problem is not a manufactured phenomenon. Nationalism and xenophobia have a deep and broad appeal, particularly to the three-fourths of the country that hasn’t yet entered the emerging middle class. Over the past few decades, Communism and Western-style liberalism have been thoroughly discredited, first by the collapse of the Soviet Union and then with the collapse of the Russian economy by the end of the 1990s. Christianity has never recovered from the Bolshevik Revolution. All of this, put into the context of social, economic, cultural and geopolitical decline, has helped foster growing ultranationalism, including neo-Nazism–which seems strange in a country that lost 27 million people to the Nazis.
Since Putin came to power in 2000, Russia has experienced an unexpectedly rapid yet uneven revival, and his government’s overt patriotism, as well as its ambivalent attitude toward Western liberalism, reflect and enable the growing appeal of ultranationalism.
Thus, contrary to as some would have it, the rise in ultranationalism seems to be connected to the political/ideological vacuum caused by communism’s collapse and the pains of neoliberal economic policies. If this is the case, then were are not seeing the end to such racial violence. We are only seeing the beginning.Post Views: 577
By Sean — 10 years ago
Yaroslav Kuzminov, the head of the Higher School of Economics (VShE) in Moscow received a disturbing letter from the Main Department of Internal Affairs (GUVD). The letter strongly recommended that the dean expel “politically unreliable” students, reports Nezavisimaya gazeta. “Politically unreliable” in the police’s opinion, are those youth who participated in last December’s Dissenters March sponsored by “Other Russia.” Six students from VShE’s Economics and Political Science departments were detained as they were leaving the Mayakovskaya metro station on their way to the demonstration. They never made it. Now the police recommends that the university consider expelling them. NG reports:
The most specific passage of the document is: “Participation in unsanctioned protests are one type of extreme activity and have a high level of social danger that demands security organs to take the adequate measures of reaction.” GUVD asked “to examine the question about removing conditions that contribute to the perpetration of offenses” and “to decide on the necessity to continue educating the aforementioned persons.” After this the security organs spelled out the appropriate measures.
This is not all. The heads of two departments, political science and economy, were ordered to answer an inquiry into “extremists” and to force the most frequent perpetrators to sign declaratory statements. The names of “said persons” in the letter were numerous.
How VShE will officially respond remains to be seen. They have to make an official declaration by 4 Feburary. In the meantime, Tatiana Chetvernina, the university’s vice dean gave this comment to Nezavisimaya:
“The letter that came from the police was a recommendation. They, of course, have the right to recommend what they think is necessary. Just like the university has the right to make a decision in accordance with the workings of laws on the property of the Higher School of Economics. And namely, if a student participates in meetings and groups and if he is not breaking the law, then that is the private affair of the students. We live in a free country and we have a working Constitution. If they break the law then the university will look into it. But, certainly, this question is connected not so much with dismissal as with violating law and order. Participating in groups has no relation to studying.”
Olga Kolesnikova, the school’s press secretary, was more blunt. “We can dismiss students if they are underachievers,” she said. “But if they study well, what right do we have to expel them? They are not criminal offenders, why should we forbid them from studying? In a word, we don’t let anyone get at our children.”
Of course, the letter harks back to both Tsarist and Soviet times when students were expelled for participating in political activities. Except this time, in the words of Oleg Shchebakov, a Moscow lawyer, where the parameters of acceptable political ideology are murky unlike in Soviet times the ideological lines were clearer. “The punished understood and clearly accepted that he lived in a rigidly ideological political system.” Now, he contents, “There is no general ideology! We complain about its absence all the time. It is simply undeveloped! So excuse me, what kind of ideology should these students use that someone has established? Today fascists are even permitted to go out into the streets. And no one singles them out . . . Evidently, they are not politically suspect in the opinion of the authorities.”
Moskovskii komsomolets reports that similar letters were sent to other universities in Moscow. And apparently, the cops can’t even get their information straight when they send out such “recommendations.” Of the six students named in the letter to VShE, two don’t even study there.Post Views: 985
By Sean — 5 years ago
Titushki is a new word from Ukrainians’ lexicon that the whole world is now learning. This is the name for strong, athletic young men hired for money to cause trouble at public gatherings, who start up fights, who carry out other illegal actions. They operate under police protection or with the police taking no action at all. In fact, this is a shadow army of mercenaries that pro-regime forces have created for use against the people of Ukraine.
The Symbol of Generation “T”
Vadim Titushko, an athlete from Belaia Tserkov’, bestowed his name on Ukrainian hired provocateurs. Fame arrived for him not in the ring, but during a public gathering, “Rise Up Ukraine!,” where Titushko beat up Channel Five TV reporter Ol’ha Snytsarchuk and her husband, the photographer Vlad Sodel’. The incident happened May 18, 2013, in front of the Ministry of Internal Affairs (MVD) administration building on Vladimir Street in Kiev.
“About 10 people in sports clothes attacked us. We took pictures of them beating up Freedom (Svoboda) Party members and they didn’t like it at all,” said the photographer. The titushki beat them until they bled. Ol’ha Snytsarchuk’s lip and arms were badly damaged – her attackers took her phone away. Sodel’ himself, while trying to defend his wife, received slight wounds.
According to the reporter, the police did not get involved in the incident, although journalists several times tried to get law enforcement to defend them. As a result of being badly beaten, Ol’ha Snytsarchuk was taken away in an ambulance – doctors found out she had received an internal concussion (zakrytaia cherepno-mozgovaia travma).
As far as journalists were able to tell, the head of Belaia Tserkov’s Young Regionals city organization, Vasilii Boiko, had been directing the young toughs.
In a photo made by Sodel’ during the attack, a man in a black shirt can be seen intently looking after his fellow residents’ aggressive acts.
A video recording of the incident showed that the police, who had been standing in front of the group of young men who attacked, did nothing to stop the assault on the journalists.
Scenes of Vadim Titushko’s crazed look during the attack circulated throughout the Ukrainian media; journalists started using the word “titushki” as a collective term for people with personalities like his.
In September 2013, Kiev’s Shevchenko District Court issued a sentence against Vadim Titushko and other participants – a peace agreement was made between the accused and the victims.
According to the decision reached, Titushko was sentenced to three years prison, with the sentence to be served two years after the ruling. Besides this, Titushko was to compensate the journalists financially – 11,000 hryvnias per victim.
Vadik “The Romanian,” as our “hero” is most commonly known in his native Belaia Tserkov’, surfaced again on the horizon as the Euromaidan movement started up. According to parliamentary deputy Oleg Liashko, Vadim Titushko on December 15, 2013, headed a column of hired hooligans at Obukhov’s anti-Maidan.
Titushko on Two Fronts
“What money! I do it for the ideas,” Vadim Titushko yelled, mixing his response with swearing, when his group tried to start up a fight with Svoboda Party activists and other demonstration participants in Kiev on May 18, 2013. Vadik “the Romanian” and about another dozen young toughs who took part in beating up demonstrators and journalists train in the “Budo” sports club, which is registered under the Belaia Tserkov’s district police station. When he is free from doing hired jobs, Titushko takes part in sports matches, and he dreams of making a professional athletic career.
An Army of Titushki
How many titushki are there in Ukraine? Probably those who organized this army of bandits for their pro-regime masters. There are alarming figures being circulated in the press: 20,000 and more. These young toughs’ main task is to stir up provocations against participants of legal mass protests and meetings so that these events wind up breaking the law. State law enforcement personnel eagerly seek out opposition activists among the titushki to de-legitimize both the protests and their leaders. Titushki also often perform the role of guarding hired events.
Over November and December 2013, titushki were assembled in columns in Kiev’s Mariinskii Park. Like a real army, these “soldiers” were fed, transported, and given orders in organized fashion.
Titushki in Mariinsk Park in Kiev
Explanations of where these swarms of titushki in Ukraine come from vary somewhat. Basically, they all concur that titushki are hired members of sport clubs, often semi-legal ones, and/or members of groups from the criminal world. Some suppose that Ultras and groups of soccer fans are among titushki, and that they are among the most aggressive of them. There are rumors that it was exactly these people who could have provoked the storming of Bankovyi Street on December 1. Opposition figures have claimed that members of law enforcement structures, making themselves look like ordinary civilians, have taken part in provocations against Euromaidan participants. Regarding this, one can conclude, based on how events have developed on the Maidan, that titushki indeed are connected with the police – or at least the police don’t get in the way of their activities.
How Much Do Titushki Cost?
Vitalii Iarema, Member of Parliament, head of the Parliamentary Investigation Commission, former head of Kiev’s GUVD (City Administraiton of Internal Affairs) (the city police organs – translator), Police Lieutenant General, was the first to estimate the approximate sum given out to titushki: “I even know the amount – they get from 200 to 500 hryvnias a day.” Former Party of Regions member Inna Boguslovskaia, citing witnesses she knew, confirmed the price range: “I have a witness. It’s my husband’s aide. He saw how these people lived in the Hotel ‘Kiev,’ and how they pay them 250 hryvnias each.” She is one of those who are convinced that groups of soccer fans are among the titushki. As the Euromaidan developed and grew strong over time, so did the number of titushki and the amount they were paid: several of these hirelings confessed on tape that they already have been receiving 300 to 500 hryvnias. For active participation – i.e., provoking conflicts and disorders – they get paid 1,000 hryvnias and up. According to rumors, the provocateurs who attacked the police on Bankovyi Street on December 1 could earn tens of thousands of hryvnias.
Titushki in the Service of Business
Titushki had been around long before 2013 and the Euromaidan. For years, they were assembled and used to deal with personal issues involving businesses. For example, they were used to support and frighten people during forceful takeovers of firms. A source from a large real estate firm told Gordonua.com that not a single takover happened without the involvement of paid titushki:
“There always was a group of men in sports clothes there to support us – older, more experienced than today’s titushki. They chased away crowds of people who weren’t pleased with what was going on, they broke down barriers, and they made use of any kind of force needed to support us.”
By the end of 2013, these scattered groups were turned into an organized army, and the situation started to resemble an attempt at taking over an entire country by force.
Titushki in the Supreme Rada
On December 3, 2013, during protests supporting Ukraine’s Eurointegration course, several groups of youths “with the typical look,” in civilian gear, were brought into Ukraine’s Supreme Rada, accompanied by police. These young men, estimated at 100 to 200 altogether, were brought in through four police barriers. When they tried to enter the parliament building, some of them had to show their identity cards. Their documents turned out to have been issued by the Crimean territorial command of Ukraine’s riot police. Arsenii Iatseniuk, leader of the Fatherland (Bat’kivshchyna) Party fraction in the Supreme Rada, claimed that Party of Regions deputies had brought into parliament two hundred young men who were supposed to provoke a fight, and he ordered them out of the building. Vladimir Rybak (Party of Regions), parliamentary speaker, claimed that he had given no orders to bring in so-called titushki, and he assured him that there were no interlopers in the building. A video has documented the police arranging titushki within the police cordon around the Supreme Rada’s walls.
An Incident in Dnepropetrovsk
The coordinator of the local Euromaidan in Dnepropetrovsk, Viktor Romanenko, during the November 26, 2013 attack on its tent city, recognized among the attack’s participants members of the Dnepropetrovsk Region’s Judo Federation, a federation headed by Party of Regions member Ivan Stupak. These were the very same athletes who attacked peaceful protests in the summer of 2013.
On the evening of November 26, the attackers severely beat up Eurointegration supporters present on the square and demolished the tents. Several demonstrators wound up in the hospital with injuries. The police had left the scene before the attack happened, and they returned after the attackers had managed to hide themselves.
Titushki versus the Euromaidan
Titushki participation in the Euromaidan has led to them becoming a “fourth” power (alongside the police, Berkut special forces, and riot police) which the regime has used to oppose and sabotage peaceful protests. Eurotitushki have been mobilized in such large numbers that independent media have unanimously referred to an “army of titushki.” Besides engaging in provocations against participants in protests supporting Eurointegration, such hired men have been involved in storming and breaking down barricades, blocking events and institutions, and other shameful actions at the beck and call of Ukraine’s law enforcement forces, which have discredited themselves.
Titushki under Police Protection
It is an understatement that the police does not stop the actions of titushki. During the Euromaidan demonstrations, journalists and other citizens have confirmed the police using titushki in their operations against protestors assembled, and even protect and keep suspicious young toughs behind their formations. Besides provoking and frightening the population, the authorities have made use of the titushki as a workforce. Groups of young men in sports clothes, like body collectors, scoured around tents and rummaged through things protestors had left behind after their barricades had been stormed. The task of these titushki was to break up protestors’ camps quickly. These guys were not particularly polite, and as witnesses said, they didn’t allow them the chance to grab something from the things they had left behind during the turmoil.
During the attempt to storm the Maidan on December 11, a group of young men in sports clothes went through a police cordon that had surrounded the first Euromaidan activists’ barricade taken down. When asked by a Gordunua.com journalist what right did they have to allow them through the police cordon, one of the policemen said, “They work for the police.”
We managed to get the impression that these police assistants were dressed up in the orange vests of municipal service workers (“three Adidas stripes” pants and tennis shoes could still be seen under them) and that they were sent out to take apart the remains of barricades. Earlier, journalists from Public TV (Hromads’ke TV) filmed similar scenes after the storming of a protestors’ blockpost on Grushevskii Street.
How to Recognize a Titushka
As a rule, they are athletes who are involved in martial arts. They are lean and well-built. They are ready to inflict bodily harm on protestors. They appear as provocateurs who aim to provoke people against the police. During these scuffles, the police arrest protestors but not the ones who started the conflicts. To counter titushki “when in operation,” people are advised to record everything on video during the provocation, photograph it, and go to the police. Titushki fear publicity. Usually they wear hoods and hide their faces. Thus, they have to be as closely identified as possible. After the first incident with titushki involved, during the storming of Bankovyi Street on December 1, Euromaidan activists began circulating leaflets with instructions on how to recognize them and what to do if they take action against people.
Titushki Talk and Show Themselves
All attempts to enter into contact with groups of young athletes at best ends in failure – guys refuse to talk, or they openly “snub” journalists. But there are those who are not afraid to brag about how much they have earned or share some details on the daily life of the average Ukrainian titushka.
The Art of Being a Titushka
The characteristic look and style of titushki has made them into an object of pop art: graffiti of a guy in sports clothes, with the face of Viktor Yanukovych, squatting, decorated the TsNIL stop in the town of Slaviansk after the scandal with Vadim Titushko.
The trademark clothing of titushki – sports clothes and tennis shoes. Their favorite brand – Adidas. Their typical look – athletic young men with hoods who hide their faces with handkerchiefs or scarfs during “operations.” Titushki who cannot afford Adidas clothing are usually compared to the “gopniki,” poor urban youth close to the criminal world. “Woe be to the gopnik who does not dream of becoming a titushka,” is one joke going around Ukraine. These latter youth dress more simply, with clothing lacking brands. Vadim Titushko got offended when he was called a gopnik, and not for nothing: the black Adidas costume that became the symbol of titushki is expensive and beautiful, in contrast to the cheap clothing of gopniks who have been called upon to fight the Euromaidan.
The word “titushki” has resounded throughout the world. The press in Europe makes wide use of it, moreover because “titushka” sounds as familiar to foreigners as the famous Russian word “babushka.”
Radio Liberty prepared an entire glossary of terms connected with Ukrainian realities for English speakers. It has, for instance, the word “zek” and an explanation for the phrase, “If you’re not jumping, you’re a Moskal.” Titushki have a leading place in it: “burly guys dressed in sports gear who act as agents provocateurs.” (Photo)
iTitushki are people with the psychology of titushki, but with more developed intellect and knowledge of computers. iTitushki “beat up” (mochat) especially active bloggers and figures on the Internet, and they also provoke scandals and technical problems in comments on web pages of popular publications and Internet media, often ones belonging to the opposition.
Selling Out One’s Conscience
Broad masses of people have joined the army of titushki – hired students, paid demonstrators. They don’t beat up faces of opponents, they don’t act like hooligans (though they might get drunk), but they hold up flags with hostility, earning their 200-300 hryvnias for participating in meetings supporting Party of Regions.
A show demonstration for the regime, scheduled for December 14 and 15, which used up administrative resources, including free trips to Kyiv, where tens of thousands of paid demonstrators were shipped in, hid one of the greatest problems facing Ukraine. In a modern European country, practically led to financial default, where the population has become impoverished and has partly faced degradation, a huge slave labor market is operating, one where slaves are ready to sell themselves for kopecks to the local masters of their lives.Post Views: 1,921