I probably think this because I’ve always been more of a Dr Pepper man myself.

Potential Medvedev’s party would make sense if it won’t be merely a political event. If Medvedev’s team manages to provide dramatic rise of the national economics, people would follow him, for sure. But I am quite not sure that people would offer him a huge credit of trust.

I only don’t like that political parties are created to fit the political situation. I would prefer to see political parties as something more stable, while political situation be something more flexible.

First you write, ” “We had discussions with local leaders and asked them to enter into a new political formation,” the unnamed source told Trud. The so-called “local leaders” include members of United Russia, Just Russia, and the LDPR.” So the new part would be a merger of these three? Or an addition (which would probably cause at least JR to fold)? Because then you write, “part of the Kremlin’s long term ‘political modernization’ is the creation of a two party system.” In scenario 1, if UR, JR and LDPR combine to form a new party, I guess a 2 party system would be created: [Unnamed] new party and the Communist party. But I suspect that the creation of a new party would just be an addition … creating a what, 5 party system. However, what you really seem to be suggesting is that the [Unnamed] new party, headed by Dima, would go up against UR, headed by Putin. Technically, that’s not a 2 party system. You might say, well, in effect, all those other parties don’t present much opposition to UR. But in that case, how is merging of other meek parties (minus the Commies, I assume) presenting much opposition?

I frankly don’t see huge ideological motivation for this. There are factions which disagree within UR, as you point out, and differences among other parties like Just Russia. But they’re generally wonkish or culturla differences, not irreconcilable. Hell, UR’s platform is so vague you can’t really firmly ideologically oppose it. If anything, it is the Communist Party and perhaps Right Cause, IMO that have legitimate foundational differences with UR.

I guess my point is, there are actually already 4 parties in the Duma and several others waiting in the wings. How would the creation of another for Medvedev guarantee anything other than a popularity contest? Or is that what democracy has come to now?

All that said, I’d like to see a Dima v. Vova campaign.

The problem for a two party system is the repercussions on the regional and municipal levels. Parties would be used to wrestle for administrative resources and full power. The result could very well be poor governance, a risk the Team I doubt is be prepared to take.

I doubt a two party system is in the cards. when a next phase will start, it will be one with (more) independent parties on the left and right of UR.

It’s seems viable to unite KPRF and Sprav. Ros into a socialist party with less communist overtones. Of course Zyuganov and Mironov will both have to go. Such a party without the leaders may attract 10-15% of the vote. This party on the left will not be Medvedev’s party.

The other project is a party on the economically liberal side of UR. The Right Cause failed when they decided not to run in Moscow elections, when there was still the slightest bit of momentum, mainly due to the leadership issue. There hasn’t been a public figure to lead such a party who has a clear authority lead over the rest of the contenders. Is such a party to free itself from the burden of the poor governance record of liberal politicians in the nineties it could get 20-30% of the vote. If not 5-15%. Distance from ‘the nineties’ can only be created by new talking heads. SPS and Yabloko have not been able to rebrand during the past years and there is no more reason to believe they can.

20-30% (vs. 50% for UR) is not enough for Medvedev to prolong his presidency, so he better task a proxy like Igor Yurgens to found a new party on the right. I doubt that within Russian political culture the Team would calculate that it is in the national interest for Medvedev to head a opposition party after 2012, but who knows. It might actually be the only workable strategy to build political competition.

It’s more conceivable that Medvedev will consider his re-election (and his modernization agenda) to be more important than forcing through political competition by 2012. Medvedev’s strategy for re-election seems to be changing the ‘face’ of the nation, by replacing old faces with new. The speed with which he is doing this gives reason to believe that he may succeed. I am waiting for the day Moscow will have a different mayor. That would be a watershed moment. When by 2012 Russian citizens feel their country has somewhat changed during Medvedev’s first 4 years, while not harming socio-economic standards, they will vote for him.

In that case a competitive multiparty system will have to wait until 2016 (or 2017?) I guess this is where Medvedev, Putin and Surkov will agree.

Kollontai never lived to see her provocative visions of open families and relationship spheres (often dubbed ‘free love’ which is a misnomer in my opinion but we’ll go with it for ease of use) come to fruition. Some Party feminists were able to leave their kiddies behind to nannies and extended families while they mused in Moscow political circles and travelled abroad (such as Kollontai), but the Soviet feminist ideal of a truly ‘free’ woman never made it to the mainstream. Ironically, most of these priveledged children were raised by Old Believer nannies and babushki. Personal narratives from those children recount the ironic juxtaposition in their upbringing between radical feminist mothers and their traditional caregiving counterparts.
I agree that the ‘place’ of women in Russian society seems to be less obvious and March 8 may be a shining example of that. Whereas the Soviets showed the world that women could be fighter pilots during war, doctors, academics and political leaders (to some extent), the feminist movement has seemingly dwindled since the fall of communism. But perhaps it isn’t so simple- perhaps we all are, in actuality, glorifying the myth of Soviet women to begin with? I don’t have the answers- that’s why I keep reading  Cheers!