If and when Russia absorbs Crimea, acquiring the peninsula isn’t going to come cheap. The real cost of Crimea might not be sanctions from the US and EU but the funding it’s going to take to support the region. Here’s how Leonid Bershidskii breaks down the numbers for subsidizing Crimea in Forbes Russia.
In the first half of 2013, according to figures from Kyiv Investgazet, Crimea (without Sevastopol) was fifth of 26 Ukrainian regions by the amount of net-assistance from the central budget. (In first place, despite the widespread myth of the “freeloading west” is Kyiv and second and third are Donetsk and Lugansk provinces). For these six months, Crimea received from Ukraine’s state budget 3.78 billion more than it paid in. If you consider 4 rubles to a hryvnia—at the rate until the end of last June—that is 15 billion rubles ($410 million). That’s 30 billion rubles a year.
According to Ministry of Finance figures on the distribution of aid to Russia’s regions in 2014 there are three regions with higher levels of subsidizing from the federal budget: Yakutia, Dagestan, and Kamchatka. For every Crimean, Ukraine currently allocates the region a subsidy of 15,200 rubles, and in 2014 Russia allocates to Chechnya 14,750 rubles a person.
There’s also infrastructure costs:
According to the Ukrainian edition of Insider, currently 65% of gas supplies in the Crimea are delivered by the 100% state Chernomorneftegaz which produces this gas in the Black and Azov Seas. You can, of course, change this proportion and deliver gas directly from Russia, but you have to build the pipeline.
Approximately 80% of the water comes to the Crimea through the North-Crimean channel from Ukraine. True, no one can cap the channel, but Ukraine is quite able to take more money for water.
Four-fifths of the electricity to the Crimea is supplied by Zaporizhia Kakhovskaya HPP, located outside the Crimean territory. Rates here could be raised as well.
Russia will have to either negotiate for the livelihood of Crimea with Ukraine or to build new infrastructure. The first would be difficult: outside of sending troops to Kiev if it drives a hard bargain, something will have to give. And second, it’s expensive.
Basically, Crimea is potentially a heavy economic burden.
As Forbes concludes, “imperialism is generally expensive. Imperialism during years of economic stagnation is ruinous.”
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- By Sean — 4 years ago
Ukrainians have elected Petro Poroshenko as their next president with 56% of the vote according to exit polls. The West quickly recognized his victory, but Moscow remains cautious. Today Russian Duma members were hesitant to recognize the vote opting to wait for the official results. Nevertheless, Russian Foreign Minister told reporters that Moscow is “open to dialogue” with the Poroshenko but reiterated that military action against separatists in the east must cease.
Which way Ukraine? It’s hard to say. Poroshenko promises to step up the “anti-terrorist operation” and vows to have results “in hours.” “I am not going to hold any dialogues with the criminals. You don’t talk to terrorists,” he said during a victory press conference. “The anti-terrorist operation will not and cannot last for months, it will last just for hours.”
This, of course, is wishful thinking. If anyone thinks the deep divisions that split Ukraine will be solved with Poroshenko’s election or with the violent crushing of separatism is naive. According to a survey by the Kyiv International Institute of Sociology, released just before the presidential election, Ukraine remains deeply divided. The polls results paint a picture of a Ukrainian east that is drifting father and father away from the rest of the country.
The survey predicted support for Poroshenko and voter turnout waning as you moved east.
KIIS prediction was quite close. Here’s the results of voter turnout:
On this issue of joining the EU or the Customs Union with Russia, Belarus and Kazakhstan, a slim majority (52.3%) favors joining the EU.
On the status of the Russian language, the majority (65.5%) favors Ukrainian as the official language with Russian allowed as a kitchen language or given some official status in certain regions. However, the people in the east (74.4%) strongly support Russia having official status on par with Ukrainian.
On the question of Ukraine being an unitary or a federal state, the vast majority of those polled (73.4%) favor a unitary state. It’s only in the east were a sizable number (43.8%) want a federal state.
Finally, perception of the situation in the east is divided between east and west. About 42.9% think that the separatists are merely Russian tools, while 22.9% are clearly swayed by Ukrainian state propaganda and think they are terrorists. The belief that Russia is behind it all is highest in the west (69.8%) and northwest (67.7%) In the east, a majority (55.8%) and 37% in Kharkiv view the seizing of government buildings and police stations as a “popular uprising.”
Given these numbers, it’s clear that regardless of the Poroshenko’s victory, it will be hard to mend the divisions in Ukraine. There’s a lot of fences to mend.
- By Sean — 5 years ago
Titushki is a new word from Ukrainians’ lexicon that the whole world is now learning. This is the name for strong, athletic young men hired for money to cause trouble at public gatherings, who start up fights, who carry out other illegal actions. They operate under police protection or with the police taking no action at all. In fact, this is a shadow army of mercenaries that pro-regime forces have created for use against the people of Ukraine.
The Symbol of Generation “T”
Vadim Titushko, an athlete from Belaia Tserkov’, bestowed his name on Ukrainian hired provocateurs. Fame arrived for him not in the ring, but during a public gathering, “Rise Up Ukraine!,” where Titushko beat up Channel Five TV reporter Ol’ha Snytsarchuk and her husband, the photographer Vlad Sodel’. The incident happened May 18, 2013, in front of the Ministry of Internal Affairs (MVD) administration building on Vladimir Street in Kiev.
“About 10 people in sports clothes attacked us. We took pictures of them beating up Freedom (Svoboda) Party members and they didn’t like it at all,” said the photographer. The titushki beat them until they bled. Ol’ha Snytsarchuk’s lip and arms were badly damaged – her attackers took her phone away. Sodel’ himself, while trying to defend his wife, received slight wounds.
According to the reporter, the police did not get involved in the incident, although journalists several times tried to get law enforcement to defend them. As a result of being badly beaten, Ol’ha Snytsarchuk was taken away in an ambulance – doctors found out she had received an internal concussion (zakrytaia cherepno-mozgovaia travma).
As far as journalists were able to tell, the head of Belaia Tserkov’s Young Regionals city organization, Vasilii Boiko, had been directing the young toughs.
In a photo made by Sodel’ during the attack, a man in a black shirt can be seen intently looking after his fellow residents’ aggressive acts.
A video recording of the incident showed that the police, who had been standing in front of the group of young men who attacked, did nothing to stop the assault on the journalists.
Scenes of Vadim Titushko’s crazed look during the attack circulated throughout the Ukrainian media; journalists started using the word “titushki” as a collective term for people with personalities like his.
In September 2013, Kiev’s Shevchenko District Court issued a sentence against Vadim Titushko and other participants – a peace agreement was made between the accused and the victims.
According to the decision reached, Titushko was sentenced to three years prison, with the sentence to be served two years after the ruling. Besides this, Titushko was to compensate the journalists financially – 11,000 hryvnias per victim.
Vadik “The Romanian,” as our “hero” is most commonly known in his native Belaia Tserkov’, surfaced again on the horizon as the Euromaidan movement started up. According to parliamentary deputy Oleg Liashko, Vadim Titushko on December 15, 2013, headed a column of hired hooligans at Obukhov’s anti-Maidan.
Titushko on Two Fronts
“What money! I do it for the ideas,” Vadim Titushko yelled, mixing his response with swearing, when his group tried to start up a fight with Svoboda Party activists and other demonstration participants in Kiev on May 18, 2013. Vadik “the Romanian” and about another dozen young toughs who took part in beating up demonstrators and journalists train in the “Budo” sports club, which is registered under the Belaia Tserkov’s district police station. When he is free from doing hired jobs, Titushko takes part in sports matches, and he dreams of making a professional athletic career.
An Army of Titushki
How many titushki are there in Ukraine? Probably those who organized this army of bandits for their pro-regime masters. There are alarming figures being circulated in the press: 20,000 and more. These young toughs’ main task is to stir up provocations against participants of legal mass protests and meetings so that these events wind up breaking the law. State law enforcement personnel eagerly seek out opposition activists among the titushki to de-legitimize both the protests and their leaders. Titushki also often perform the role of guarding hired events.
Over November and December 2013, titushki were assembled in columns in Kiev’s Mariinskii Park. Like a real army, these “soldiers” were fed, transported, and given orders in organized fashion.
Titushki in Mariinsk Park in Kiev
Explanations of where these swarms of titushki in Ukraine come from vary somewhat. Basically, they all concur that titushki are hired members of sport clubs, often semi-legal ones, and/or members of groups from the criminal world. Some suppose that Ultras and groups of soccer fans are among titushki, and that they are among the most aggressive of them. There are rumors that it was exactly these people who could have provoked the storming of Bankovyi Street on December 1. Opposition figures have claimed that members of law enforcement structures, making themselves look like ordinary civilians, have taken part in provocations against Euromaidan participants. Regarding this, one can conclude, based on how events have developed on the Maidan, that titushki indeed are connected with the police – or at least the police don’t get in the way of their activities.
How Much Do Titushki Cost?
Vitalii Iarema, Member of Parliament, head of the Parliamentary Investigation Commission, former head of Kiev’s GUVD (City Administraiton of Internal Affairs) (the city police organs – translator), Police Lieutenant General, was the first to estimate the approximate sum given out to titushki: “I even know the amount – they get from 200 to 500 hryvnias a day.” Former Party of Regions member Inna Boguslovskaia, citing witnesses she knew, confirmed the price range: “I have a witness. It’s my husband’s aide. He saw how these people lived in the Hotel ‘Kiev,’ and how they pay them 250 hryvnias each.” She is one of those who are convinced that groups of soccer fans are among the titushki. As the Euromaidan developed and grew strong over time, so did the number of titushki and the amount they were paid: several of these hirelings confessed on tape that they already have been receiving 300 to 500 hryvnias. For active participation – i.e., provoking conflicts and disorders – they get paid 1,000 hryvnias and up. According to rumors, the provocateurs who attacked the police on Bankovyi Street on December 1 could earn tens of thousands of hryvnias.
Titushki in the Service of Business
Titushki had been around long before 2013 and the Euromaidan. For years, they were assembled and used to deal with personal issues involving businesses. For example, they were used to support and frighten people during forceful takeovers of firms. A source from a large real estate firm told Gordonua.com that not a single takover happened without the involvement of paid titushki:
“There always was a group of men in sports clothes there to support us – older, more experienced than today’s titushki. They chased away crowds of people who weren’t pleased with what was going on, they broke down barriers, and they made use of any kind of force needed to support us.”
By the end of 2013, these scattered groups were turned into an organized army, and the situation started to resemble an attempt at taking over an entire country by force.
Titushki in the Supreme Rada
On December 3, 2013, during protests supporting Ukraine’s Eurointegration course, several groups of youths “with the typical look,” in civilian gear, were brought into Ukraine’s Supreme Rada, accompanied by police. These young men, estimated at 100 to 200 altogether, were brought in through four police barriers. When they tried to enter the parliament building, some of them had to show their identity cards. Their documents turned out to have been issued by the Crimean territorial command of Ukraine’s riot police. Arsenii Iatseniuk, leader of the Fatherland (Bat’kivshchyna) Party fraction in the Supreme Rada, claimed that Party of Regions deputies had brought into parliament two hundred young men who were supposed to provoke a fight, and he ordered them out of the building. Vladimir Rybak (Party of Regions), parliamentary speaker, claimed that he had given no orders to bring in so-called titushki, and he assured him that there were no interlopers in the building. A video has documented the police arranging titushki within the police cordon around the Supreme Rada’s walls.
An Incident in Dnepropetrovsk
The coordinator of the local Euromaidan in Dnepropetrovsk, Viktor Romanenko, during the November 26, 2013 attack on its tent city, recognized among the attack’s participants members of the Dnepropetrovsk Region’s Judo Federation, a federation headed by Party of Regions member Ivan Stupak. These were the very same athletes who attacked peaceful protests in the summer of 2013.
On the evening of November 26, the attackers severely beat up Eurointegration supporters present on the square and demolished the tents. Several demonstrators wound up in the hospital with injuries. The police had left the scene before the attack happened, and they returned after the attackers had managed to hide themselves.
Titushki versus the Euromaidan
Titushki participation in the Euromaidan has led to them becoming a “fourth” power (alongside the police, Berkut special forces, and riot police) which the regime has used to oppose and sabotage peaceful protests. Eurotitushki have been mobilized in such large numbers that independent media have unanimously referred to an “army of titushki.” Besides engaging in provocations against participants in protests supporting Eurointegration, such hired men have been involved in storming and breaking down barricades, blocking events and institutions, and other shameful actions at the beck and call of Ukraine’s law enforcement forces, which have discredited themselves.
Titushki under Police Protection
It is an understatement that the police does not stop the actions of titushki. During the Euromaidan demonstrations, journalists and other citizens have confirmed the police using titushki in their operations against protestors assembled, and even protect and keep suspicious young toughs behind their formations. Besides provoking and frightening the population, the authorities have made use of the titushki as a workforce. Groups of young men in sports clothes, like body collectors, scoured around tents and rummaged through things protestors had left behind after their barricades had been stormed. The task of these titushki was to break up protestors’ camps quickly. These guys were not particularly polite, and as witnesses said, they didn’t allow them the chance to grab something from the things they had left behind during the turmoil.
During the attempt to storm the Maidan on December 11, a group of young men in sports clothes went through a police cordon that had surrounded the first Euromaidan activists’ barricade taken down. When asked by a Gordunua.com journalist what right did they have to allow them through the police cordon, one of the policemen said, “They work for the police.”
We managed to get the impression that these police assistants were dressed up in the orange vests of municipal service workers (“three Adidas stripes” pants and tennis shoes could still be seen under them) and that they were sent out to take apart the remains of barricades. Earlier, journalists from Public TV (Hromads’ke TV) filmed similar scenes after the storming of a protestors’ blockpost on Grushevskii Street.
How to Recognize a Titushka
As a rule, they are athletes who are involved in martial arts. They are lean and well-built. They are ready to inflict bodily harm on protestors. They appear as provocateurs who aim to provoke people against the police. During these scuffles, the police arrest protestors but not the ones who started the conflicts. To counter titushki “when in operation,” people are advised to record everything on video during the provocation, photograph it, and go to the police. Titushki fear publicity. Usually they wear hoods and hide their faces. Thus, they have to be as closely identified as possible. After the first incident with titushki involved, during the storming of Bankovyi Street on December 1, Euromaidan activists began circulating leaflets with instructions on how to recognize them and what to do if they take action against people.
Titushki Talk and Show Themselves
All attempts to enter into contact with groups of young athletes at best ends in failure – guys refuse to talk, or they openly “snub” journalists. But there are those who are not afraid to brag about how much they have earned or share some details on the daily life of the average Ukrainian titushka.
The Art of Being a Titushka
The characteristic look and style of titushki has made them into an object of pop art: graffiti of a guy in sports clothes, with the face of Viktor Yanukovych, squatting, decorated the TsNIL stop in the town of Slaviansk after the scandal with Vadim Titushko.
The trademark clothing of titushki – sports clothes and tennis shoes. Their favorite brand – Adidas. Their typical look – athletic young men with hoods who hide their faces with handkerchiefs or scarfs during “operations.” Titushki who cannot afford Adidas clothing are usually compared to the “gopniki,” poor urban youth close to the criminal world. “Woe be to the gopnik who does not dream of becoming a titushka,” is one joke going around Ukraine. These latter youth dress more simply, with clothing lacking brands. Vadim Titushko got offended when he was called a gopnik, and not for nothing: the black Adidas costume that became the symbol of titushki is expensive and beautiful, in contrast to the cheap clothing of gopniks who have been called upon to fight the Euromaidan.
The word “titushki” has resounded throughout the world. The press in Europe makes wide use of it, moreover because “titushka” sounds as familiar to foreigners as the famous Russian word “babushka.”
Radio Liberty prepared an entire glossary of terms connected with Ukrainian realities for English speakers. It has, for instance, the word “zek” and an explanation for the phrase, “If you’re not jumping, you’re a Moskal.” Titushki have a leading place in it: “burly guys dressed in sports gear who act as agents provocateurs.” (Photo)
iTitushki are people with the psychology of titushki, but with more developed intellect and knowledge of computers. iTitushki “beat up” (mochat) especially active bloggers and figures on the Internet, and they also provoke scandals and technical problems in comments on web pages of popular publications and Internet media, often ones belonging to the opposition.
Selling Out One’s Conscience
Broad masses of people have joined the army of titushki – hired students, paid demonstrators. They don’t beat up faces of opponents, they don’t act like hooligans (though they might get drunk), but they hold up flags with hostility, earning their 200-300 hryvnias for participating in meetings supporting Party of Regions.
A show demonstration for the regime, scheduled for December 14 and 15, which used up administrative resources, including free trips to Kyiv, where tens of thousands of paid demonstrators were shipped in, hid one of the greatest problems facing Ukraine. In a modern European country, practically led to financial default, where the population has become impoverished and has partly faced degradation, a huge slave labor market is operating, one where slaves are ready to sell themselves for kopecks to the local masters of their lives.
- By Sean — 10 years ago
As we all well know, Russian President Dmitri Medvedev did the deed and recognized the independence South Ossetia and Abkhazia. A chorus of condemnation, disappointment, and warning immediately followed.
US Secretary Rice: “I want to be very clear, since the United States is a permanent member of the [UN] Security Council, this simply will be dead on arrival.”
US President Bush: “This decision is inconsistent with numerous United Nations Security Council resolutions that Russia has voted for in the past, and is also inconsistent with the French-brokered six-point ceasefire agreement which President Medvedev signed. Russia’s action only exacerbates tensions and complicates diplomatic negotiations.”
German PM Angela Merkel: “This contradicts the basic principles of territorial integrity and is therefore absolutely unacceptable.”
Georgian President Mikheil Saakashvili: “This is a test for the entire world and a test for our collective solidarity . . . Today the fate of Europe and the free world is unfortunately being played out in my small country.”
British Foreign Minister David Miliband: “Russia must not learn the wrong lessons from the Georgia crisis. There can be no going back on fundamental principles of territorial integrity, democratic governance and international law.”
It’s open season on Russia as verbal pellets rain on Medvedev’s head. Dima’s response? Bring it on baby.
“Nothing frightens us,” he said in an interview on Russian television. “Including the prospect of a cold war, but we do not want this, and in this situation all depends on the position of our partners”.
Dima talked tough. He held his ground. He threw the ball back in the West’s court and said, “Do something about it.” Nothing is going to sway him. Not a slipping stock market, not investment flight, not a tarnished international image.
But talking tough was only part of the game. Medvedev seemed to be everywhere today in a press junket blitz. An interview with BBC, an editorial in the Financial Times, a talk with Al-Jazeera, with CNN, Russia Today, and France’s TFI Television. I’m wondering if he’ll make it on Oprah or the View. “Hey world! Meet Dimitry Anatolevich Medvedev the President of Russia! Here’s a memo for you. We’re going to do what we want and you can’t do a damn thing about it.” Funny, no one seems to be calling him a “liberal” now.
The crux of Medvedev’s response focuses on quite predictable points: Russia’s duty to protect its citizens, saving Ossetian victims, Western hypocrisy and their flippant disregard for Russia, and, of course, the K-word: Kosovo, Kosovo, Kosovo. Russians said Kosovo was a precedent and everyone dismissed it. Well, here’s what Dima says now:
Ignoring Russia’s warnings, western countries rushed to recognise Kosovo’s illegal declaration of independence from Serbia. We argued consistently that it would be impossible, after that, to tell the Abkhazians and Ossetians (and dozens of other groups around the world) that what was good for the Kosovo Albanians was not good for them. In international relations, you cannot have one rule for some and another rule for others.
Now others are asking: Is Abkhazia and Ossetia like Kosovo or not? Well, there is no doubt in my mind that the situations will be compared, laws will be examined, victims will be counted, treaties, resolutions, and agreements will be consulted. All the diplomats and politicians will posture in the front of the cameras, using all the predictable code words and phrases. The bones of the dead will be exhumed to construct just the right historical parallel. A pillory of pundits, editorials, and “experts” will swoon at questions that make them and their views relevant. Ah, international crisis, it’s just so good for business.
But there is something missing in all of this. There is a silence or should we call it a deafness pervading all the chatter and pontificating. Do you hear it? Can you feel its vibrations amid the declarations and denials of recognition?
What is this sound? It’s the voice of the Abkhaz and Ossetian.
Well, I sure as hell can’t hear it. It seems that amid the geopolitical spit swapping and tit for tat maneuvers, few have bothered to ask the lowly Abkhaz and Ossetian how they feel about being catapulted into the club of nations. Most articles detail the reactions from the the US, Europe, Georgia and Russia.
Sure, sure the Abkhaz and Ossetians don’t have official recognition by laws they didn’t write or politicans they didn’t elect, but still there must be something said for the act of creation that “recognition” brings. After all, three weeks ago Abkhazia and South Ossetia only mattered to those who gave a rat’s ass. Now all eyes are transfixed. They’re suddenly that little corner of the real life Risk board where, in the words of Mikheil Saakashvili in FT, Moscow is unfolding a plan “prepared over years” to “rebuild its empire, seize greater control of Europe’s energy supplies and punish those who believed democracy could flourish on its borders. Europe has reason to worry.” Little South Ossetia and Abkhazia are the pen from which Russia “redraw[ing] the map of Europe.” Who knew that the utterance of “recognition” could spark such discursive fury.
Saakashvili’s editorial is interesting on another level. It is a veritable denial of Abkhazia’s and South Ossetia’s actual existence. His words are an act of discursive erasure. This is already clear in his statement “This war was never about South Ossetia or Georgia.” He goes farther than this. “Over the past five years [Russia] cynically laid the groundwork for this pretense,” he writes, “by illegally distributing passports in South Ossetia and Abkhazia, “manufacturing” Russian citizens to protect” [Emphasis mine]. The Ossetians are essential phantasmagorias concocted in some Moscow OVIR office.
Real people? Nah . . . unless . . . Unless they are positioned as perpetrators. But even here, the Ossetians silence in favor of the Russians. Saak writes,
Since Russia’s invasion, its forces have been “cleansing” Georgian villages in both regions – including outside the conflict zone – using arson, rape and execution. Human rights groups have documented these actions.
But Mikheil, it was the Ossetian militias extracting some revenge that did these acts. Why deny them the little agency anyone is willing to afford them?
It is only through the agency of violence, retribution, and revenge that the Ossetian is now able to speak. Even from the Russian side the Ossetians are relegated to a passive position of “victims.” The Ossetian as the figure of the perpetrator or victim is his only existence. The Abkhaz too only speak the language of perpetrator. Saakashvili tells us,
Moscow also counts on historical amnesia. It hopes the west will forget ethnic cleansing in Abkhazia drove out more than three-quarters of the local population – ethnic Georgians, Greeks, Jews and others – leaving the minority Abkhaz in control. Russia also wants us to forget that South Ossetia was run not by its residents (almost half were Georgian before this month’s ethnic cleansing) but by Russian officials. When the war started, South Ossetia’s de facto prime minister, defence minister and security minister were ethnic Russians with no ties to the region.
This paragraph is quite revealing. The Abkhaz exist only as ethnic cleansers and the Ossetians, well they don’t even govern themselves. Their cause is merely a plot by “ethnic Russians with no ties to the region.”
Surely the Ossetian and Abkhaz reaction amounts to something? After all, they are fighting and dying, right?
As much as Saakashvili and others try to argue that Russia has “manufactured” the Ossetians or that this crisis is all part of Russia’s larger designs, someone must account for the fact that the Ossetians and Abkhazians are celebrating. Sure the laws, politicos, nations, and others needed for “legitimate” independence are silent, but there is something to be said the act of creation recognition brings.