Since everyone is afflicted with spymania at the moment, I wanted to make sure this little tidbit of news didn’t go unnoticed.
Executive Director of United Civil Front Olga Kurnosova reported to Interfax, a representative of the police have contacted her and said that all the copies would be returned today.
They found no extremism in them whatsoever.
Nah, really? I could have told them that without even reading the damn thing. So basically this whole scandal has boiled down to some zealous police minion giving Nemstov and Milov two week’s worth of free advertising. Good job boys.
Score: Team Solidarity 3 : Putin 0
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By Sean — 10 years ago
Kommersant has an interview with Elena Shestopal, the deputy chair of the Political Psychology Department at MGU, on how Russian society views the inevitable election of Dmitri Medvedev. I think the title of the interview, “Thus far Medvedev’s character remains unclear in the consciousness of the masses” says it all. Here is an excerpt.
Almost 3/4 of Russians are prepared to vote for Dmitri Medvedev. Do the people trust the authorities so strongly?
They trust Vladimir Putin personally. Around his person we are seeing the complete consolidation of society in Post-Soviet times. Thus far Medvedev’s character remains unclear in the consciousness of the masses. When we ask people who they will vote for, we hear Medvedev’s name on rare occasions. Usually they answer: “It’s clear for who. Why do you ask?” or “What is to become of us?” Such answers signify the fatality of society and at the same time are angry that “they’ve decided for us.” We’ve monitored the pre-election mood in society since the beginning of the 1990s. Before the anger was that “they betrayed us” etc. But this — “They’ve decided for us and they’ve imposed it on us,” this is the first time it’s happened.
If the people vote “as necessary,” what’s the difference if he’s angry?
Any power needs the genuine, emotional support of the population. Presently the anger means that people perfectly understand that they are manipulated. It means that the PR-industry, which has achieved the consolidation of society, has approached its limit. And if the authorities don’t back off from them, entirely different processes will begin.
What are those processes?
A society which doesn’t seriously believe in the authorities but makes the best with them are very cynical. The people could say to the leadership, “We give you the impression that we trust you, but you then create the impression that you respect us.” After this people become more demanding than they were before. And the authorities can’t give them anymore than they could before. There begins develop mutual discontent among the authorities and in society.
You said that the people still believe in Putin. And he remains as the state’s steering wheel.
Mass consciousness still has not decided how to react to the future tandem. They trust Putin, and not the authorities because in the mass consciousness the president is detached from the system of power according to the age old tradition of separating the Tsar from the Boyars. The President is the symbol of power, and the Prime Minister is only a manager. The change in Putin’s position can turn out and change his value in the eyes of society, which is accustomed to there only being one Tsar.Post Views: 404
By Sean — 11 years ago
The Moscow Times reports that the Russian government published its blacklist of books, articles, pamphlets, films and records in Rossiiskaya gazeta on Saturday. The list includes 14 works that the Putin government says incites racial and political hatred. Sergei Vasil’ev, the Head of the State Registrar, told the state newspaper that “Russian citizens must know that displays are one of the sources for extremism that are dangerous enemies to society’s stability and well being.”
There are currently two statutes on the Russian Criminal Code that pertain to extremist speech. The first concerns calling out for or verballing inciting “extremist activities.” The other punishes the “agitation of hatred, animosity, or degradation of human dignity”. Conviction of either carries of a maximum prison sentence of five years.
The list consists of the following:
- “Music for White People,” The Order.
- Book of Monotheism, Muhammed idn Sulaiman al-Tamimi.
- Letters of the Kuban Rada of the Spiritual Ancestral Power of Rus’, N. M. Lezinskii, V. M. Gerasev.
- For Russian People, newspaper.
- The Eternal Jew (1940)
- Mother Earth: the Miraculous Miracle, the Marvellous Marvel. An Introduction to Geobiology , A. A. Dobrovol’skii.
- “Paganism as Magic,” A. A. Dobrovol’skii.
- “Who is Afraid of Russian National Socialism,” A. A. Dobrovol’skii.
- “The Judeo-Christian Plague,” A. A. Dobrovol’skii
- “Svatoslavie,” A. A. Dobrovol’skii.
- One Day We Will Come from Rotten Tomatoes, A. A. Nikolaevnko.
- The SS Knocked on Your Door, the Bastards . . ., A. A. Nikolaevnko.
- Fulfilling the Wishes of the Lord’s Thought, A. A. Nikolaevnko.
- The Most Constructive Party,” A. A. Nikolaevnko.
One can see from the list the targets are Neo-Nazism, Islamic fundamentalism, and radical Russian nationalism. Particularly cited are the works of A. A. Dobrovol’skii and A. A. Nikolaevnko. According to the Russian human rights group, Demos, the latter was convicted in July 2005 for the publication of his article, “The Most Constructive Party” in the newspaper Kurs. He was sentenced six months in a labor colony and deprived of practicing journalism for two years.
Dobrovolskii is an advocate for neo-paganism which emerged in the 1970s and 1980s as the wave of “Third Russian Nationalism.” The publication of his articles have led to several convictions in local Russian courts.Tags: Russian nationalism|extremism|racism|neo-Nazism|antisemitism|democracy|human rights|journalism|Putin|Russia|terrorismPost Views: 324
By Sean — 11 years ago
One day later and Russia and world have reacted to the arrest of 10 suspects in Anna Politkovskaya’s murder. Most of the Russian media have led with the story. The Kremlin funded English language Russia Today provided an overview of the story and the subsequent international reaction. The popular daily Komsomolskaya pravda hyped the fact that one of its correspondents originally spotted the killer, reporting that he “conducted himself like a agent or an operational worker from [Russian] security forces.” One of those arrested, Pavel Riaguzov, served in the central administration of the Moscow region FSB. According to statements given to the press by FSB General-Lieutenant Aleksandr Kupriazhkin, Riaduzov has long been suspected of having criminal ties. KP wondered whether Riagunov was indeed the person their correspondent spotted. Moskovskii Komsomolets also focused on the Riaguzov angle, and like KP, pointed to his connections to criminal elements. “The Chekist allegedly provided wiretaps and details of Politkovskaya’s conversations.” Riaguzov’s lawyers called the accusations “complete nonsense.” Nezavisimaya gazeta focused on the Western media’s obsession with the claim that the murder might be connected to Boris Berezovsky.
But not all the Russian media is so tame or sensible. Writing in the ever critical Ezhednevnyi zhurnal, Iuliya Latynina, in a bold headline “A Trotskyist-Berezovskii Operation,” searches for the conspiracy behind the conspiracy. And sadly Stalin’s historical footprint always seems to reveal itself on these occasions. She asks why the findings about Politkovskaya murder were revealed to the public at this moment. She gives three answers. First, simply, the “shit already had began to ooze,” and the revelation about the arrests to the public was inevitable. There was no way to hide the fact that those arrested–two former chekisty, some police officers, and Chechens bandits–was going to go unnoticed. If the government didn’t construct a preemptive narrative, it was likely the public would have made their own conclusion. And Latynina thinks that this conclusion would be unpleasant for the authorities. “For example, the public could decide that security agents . . could hardly take orders from enemies of the regime, which could keep all of their business under lock and key, but easily take orders from persons who keep their business quiet in case of failure. I personally think that this version is the most believable.” By her logic the first rule of politics is: control the message.
Second reason: the case will die in the courts. The “lack of evidence” and “pressure.” This, Latynina thinks is the most unlikely.
Third, the announcement of the arrests is a preview of a “big autumn Presidential fight.” Taken with the bombing of the Neva Express and the arrest of Tambov mafia boss Vladimir Kumarin, finding Politkovskaya’s killers falls into a political context that Latynina thinks will “end Putin’s road to retirement.”
So much for the Prosecutor office’s request that “reporters be more accurate with various kinds of information from unofficial sources and refrain from publishing the reports that may hinder investigation.”
Latynina’s comments remind me a bit like Freud’s death drive. Either people like her are so traumatized by living where the leader is eternal that they can’t imagine anything different even if they oppose said leader, or the desire for say Putin to leave office is so great it doubles back as a perverted desire that he will stay. Wouldn’t everything Latynina thinks about Russia be undermined if there is a peaceful transition of power through, albeit flawed, elections? After all, she might find more comfort in a verified ego rather than in one faced with the horrific notion that what it thinks no longer conforms to reality. Where would she be if the great Evil Putin wasn’t there to give her purpose?
Since everyone is speculating about the timing of the arrests, there is one coincidence that can’t be ignored. The arrests come a few days before Politkovskaya’s birthday. She would have turned 49 on August 30.
The truth of the matter, however, is that the arrests have revealed something far more disturbing than any grand conspiracy to manufacture a way for Putin to remain in office. As Novaya gazeta’s editorial board noted in a statement on the arrests, the investigation shows that elements in Russia’s security organs and the criminal underworld have cooperative ties. How high up this goes or whether they are rogue or connected to the Presidential administration is unknown. Either way such elements are likely to out last this and future administrations.Post Views: 482