Dima Bilan’s victory at Eurovision is bound to bring more interest in Russian music. But where is a English speaker to go? I recommend directing your browser to Far from Moscow, a new blog by UCLA Slavic Professor David MacFadyen. MacFadyen has written several books on Russian popular television, music, film and culture. Far from Moscow is a more publicly accessible extension of that work, and promises to keep fans in tune with the latest twists and turns, releases, up and coming artists, and goings on in the popular and underground Russian music scenes. I recommend anyone interested in Russian tunes to follow the site closely. I plan to.
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By Sean — 13 years ago
Three news items appeared this week that concern Russian nationalism: the Nashi camp in Tver, the Russian government’s earmarking of 500 million rubles for “patriotic education” and the group of nationalists trying to get the Moscow courts to ban Jewish organizations. These three incidents all point to what I call in very mild terms the general redefinition of Russian national identity. In harsher terms these three signal the potentially scary growth of Russian nationalism.
I’ll first deal the attempt to ban Jewish organizations. This has been going on for a while now and would probably be ignored if Russia didn’t have such a long and strong history of anti-Semitism. The case involves the Russian translation of a Jewish text called the Kitsur Shulhan Arukh. The Kitsur is an ancient religious text that gives elaborate rules about Jewish daily practices of the self: mostly about washing, eating, and clothing. The Russians who’ve brought the case to court claim that the text spreads hatred because it calls Christians “worshipers of idols.” Moscow Rabbi Zinovy Kogan admits that there are some “incorrect passages” but they hardly spread hatred toward Christians or Russians for that matter. The most comical aspect of this story is that those who are bringing the case to court is claiming that Jewish organizations foment ethnic hatred and anti-Semitism. Huh? That’s right you read that correctly, Jewish organizations spread anti-Semitism.
The Moscow prosecutors apparently saw the absurdity of this issue when they dropped the investigation whether the Kitsur spreads hatred. That didn’t deter the unidentified Russian nationalists. They brought an appeal to the court I hopes that they reexamine the case. This whole issue would probably just fade away if it didn’t actually have some real support. In January, 19 Russian lawmakers signed a letter that accused Jewish organizations of fomenting hatred, citing the Kitsur. Mikhail Nazarov, a historian and writer is quoted as saying that any politicians who “support the principles” of the text should resign.
Statements like Nazarov’s would also be easily dismissed if other recent events around the issue of Russian nationalism didn’t rear its head. This week the Russian Government earmarked 500 million rubles to promote “patriotic education.” The Patriotic Education Program for Russian Citizens, which spans 2006 to 2010, seeks “to prepare the strategy of developing the personality of the Russian patriot” and “prevents attempts to discredit or deprecate the patriotic idea in the media.” The Program will do this by printing pamphlets on “correct reproductive behavior,” developing patriotic video games, producing cassettes and CDs of patriotic songs, as well as launch a Fatherland Program on television. But before everyone gets all hot and bothered about the Russian attempt to instill “patriotism” among mostly young people, keep in mind this figure: The United States will spend $88 million in 2006 to promote “democracy” in Russia, while the Russian government will only spending 77 million rubles (around $2.75 million) on patriotism.
While the Patriotic Education Program for Russian Citizens might be a bad throwback to the USSR, I’m afraid the pro-Putin youth organization Nashi might pose a real concern. I’ve already mentioned their “commissar” training camp in Tver. I wanted to touch on the Nashi camp again to point out some of its similarities to the old Communist Youth League in a 21st century key.
Nashi seems to have some pretty strong institutional support. According to a Moscow Times report, land for Nashi’s Seliger Camp was donated by the Tver governor, who gave 2 hectares, and the Russian Orthodox Church which handed over five. In return Nashi members helped restore the nearby Nilova Pustin Monastery. At the camp, Nashiisti chopped wood, visited the camp internet caf?, read the Nashi newspaper, Nashi Izvestia, swam, ran, and sang songs. The Moscow Times article provides an interesting picture:
“Soviet-era songs drifted from the main stage in the center of the camp, where the commissars gathered at 8 a.m. They stood at even intervals on an enormous grid of plastic strips. Young people who had birthdays that day were called to the stage and congratulated, then most of the group left for the daily five-kilometer run. Two circles of young women performed aerobics for the eager lenses of photographers.”
The future Nashi “commissars” also listened to lectures about new ideas, politics, and the future of Russia from politicos of United Russia. The deputy head of the Putin Administration, Vladislav Surkov addressed the crowd. Surkov’s speech set off a litany of rumors about what other important figures would visit Camp Seliger. Rumors, fueled by hope, also spread about a possible appearance from Vladimir Putin himself. There was no Putin, but the hope among Nshi young members shows desires if not the cult of Putin’s personality.
But what does this all represent? What is Nashi and what will they become? It is too early to tell. Perhaps this quote from Svetlana Kalinina, 19 year old “commissar” from Yaroslav, gives some indication:
“I know they call Putin an authoritarian in the West, but the Russian people have always needed a strong leader. Its part of our character.”Post Views: 440
By Sean — 10 years ago
Here’s a new one. The Moscow Patriarch announced that it plans to create an “Orthodox People’s Militia” under the auspices of the Russian Orthodox Church. The militia, according to Father Vsevolod Chaplin, will be
Small groups which will literally dominate the street life of districts, small cities, and villages. And here, I think the Orthodox militia can maintain order in their hometowns. Now there exists military-patriotic groups who are physically fit under many church communes and parishes. They could show a good amount of civil activity.
The groups, which seem to already have been created, will make their official debut on 1 December. And what will be their most immediate task? According to Father Kirill Frolov, the leader of the Moscow division of the Union of Orthodox Citizens, the militias will “in some degree be dictated by the possible outcomes of the financial crisis, in particular unemployment. The militiamen will uphold civil peace and prevent the manifestation of extremism.” The Moscow MVD has already expressed interest in the project.
It’s no coincidence that the announcement of an Orthodox militia also coincides with planned Dissenters’ March on 14 December. One assumes that when the good Father speaks of extremism, he means Other Russia. The Dissenters’ March falls on the anniversary of the Decembrist Uprising of 1825. We all know what happened then: the uprising of hopeful nobles was crushed, ushering in the reign of Nicholas I. Nicholas is said to have conducted some of the interrogations personally and a compilation of the usurpers’ testimony is said to have sat on his desk as a reminder. Given the emphasis Nicholas put on Othodoxy as a emblem of Russian nationalism, the potential participation of Orthodox militas as a foil to Other Russia’s plans strikes of a certain historical irony.
What is perhaps less ironic is the fact that the militias are supported by Nashi. Nashi is no stranger to organizing street militias to aid the cops. Readers will remember that Nashi created the Voluntary Youth Militia before the 2007 parlimentary elections to combat disruptions by “extremist organizations.” Now it seems this experience will be taste tested with an added Orthodox flavor.
Indeed, Nashi has been cozying up to the Orthodox Church as of late. Orthodoxy is being more and more incorporated into Nashi’s ideology and identity. Last week, during a meeting with Nashi members, Metropolitan Kirill said that there is a need for an all-Russia youth organization based on “traditional values.” “We used to have a youth organization (i.e. the Komsomol) working all through the country. It did a lot of useful work and many of those who belong to political elite today stepped out of the organization, where they gained administrative experience.” How times have changed.
Nashi is beginning to sound like a perfect template for such an organization. For example, Boris Yakemenko, one of Nashi’s chief ideologists and brother to the movement’s founder Vasili Yakemenko, recently penned a chapter for a textbook on Orthodox culture entitled “Russian Rock and Orthodoxy.” This year Nashi formed an Orthodox cabinet within its organization. According to Yakemenko, this cabinet was created to “attract youth to the church, speak in a language understandable to young people that says that Orthodoxy is not the religion of old people or “losers” (luzery) but a faith for plenty of successful people who love their country, their culture, and their language. That is to say, our Orthodox direction will defend the Church and its culture.”
Now they will also defend Russia streets. And if an article in today’s Vedomosti (Thanks Lyndon!) on the percentage of Russian companies planning cost cutting measures is correct, those Orthodox militias better get on the streets quick. About 30 percent of Russian companies are planning some kind of trimming of labor according to a survey of 371 companies by Ankor. In the words of Ankor representative Natalia Danina,
The financial crisis has forced practically all companies to cut costs in a variety of ways, including the cutting of personnel. Besides dismissal as a measure for cutting costs, they plan on cutting the work day and unpaid vacations for employees, and even cutting pay and lowering financial compensation packages.
The more people not working means potentially more people angry and on the streets. God’s army better get to work.Post Views: 794
By Sean — 12 years ago
Obsession about the quality of Russian youth is not new. In a 1928 study on the daily life of Russian youth titled Life Out of Control (Zhizn’ bez kontroliia) sociologist and moralist V. Ketlinskaia wrote,
We want our youth to be strong, hard-working, optimistic, and energetic. It must have unsullied heads, masterful hands, a healthy body, and cheerful mood. And for this, the youth’s lives—both social and private—must be normal and healthy. It is known that family discord, casual sex, abortion, venereal and feminine (sic) diseases, “alimony issues” and other accompaniments to a an unorganized sexual life strongly destroys the health, rattles the nerves, and kills the good spirits and energy of youth. It is necessary to organize the sexual habits (byt) of youth so that they don’t destroy the strength of youth, but assist in the knowledge of health and physical strength of the young generation. (5-6)
In the 1920s hundreds of studies on youth sexuality, everyday life, health, work, living conditions, etc were conducted in factories, schools, the Komsomol, villages, and the military. For the Bolsheviks, the concern was centered on the debilitating influence of the “bourgeois culture” of the New Economic Policy on worker and peasant youth, as well as how this would affect the politics and culture of the Komsomol and ultimately the future of socialism in Russia. Making “youth” the object of social inquiry and moral regulation continued throughout the Soviet period.
The focus on sex, health, and psychology aside, (these tended to be grouped together in late 19th century and early 20th century studies on youth), the main point is about preventing the degeneration of youth. Degeneration was a constant obsession in all Western countries at the time, and if current reporting on youth is any indication, “degeneration” remains a social and political concern even though it is crouched in different terminology.
In the end, what youth in general and Russian youth in particular are is grounded in the anxiety or hopes of adults. Their voices are often heard but rarely listened to, as their words are stuffed into a prefab narrative to justify or condemn.
Russia Profile has given three examples of how youth remains the fascination of Russia’s adult population: “Russia’s Youth: Myths and Reality”; “Why Are Young People Rehabilitating Stalin?”; and “Playing on Old Myths”. Though none of them are specifically concerned with sex, all three echo the general concern Ketlinskaia raised almost 80 years ago: What is today’s youth? And how will “what they are” effect not only the present, but the future of the nation?
What strikes me about these articles, and ironically many of the ones written in the Soviet Union, the United States and Europe at the turn of the last century, is how similar they are despite ideological and temporal difference. Youth is always the signifier for adult anxiety, whether it be their attitudes to sex, politics, history, economics, education, patriotism, and the nation. Often youth are categorized with negative terms—ignorance, flippant, na?ve, egotistic, apathetic—though adults at the same time want them to be the opposite of all these. Youth are passive political subjects that are easily manipulated. Youth rarely have agency of itself and for itself. When this agency is recognized, it is usually denounced as too radical, misguided, or idealist.
Take for example, the paragraph from Alexei Kiva “Why Are Young People Rehabilitating Stalin?”:
Watching these television series, [youth] see Stalin as a larger-than-life figure in whom evil and greatness are combined. The creators of both series have repeatedly said they were trying to emphasize Stalin’s crimes so, rather, the problem lies with the view of history among the young.
Mature, educated adults watching these series see Stalin as a monster as his whims seal the fate of the series’ main characters and the country descends into poverty and suffering. But young people are used to hearing about their country being rocked by crime, economic crises and suffering one defeat after another on the international stage. They see every day how people flaunt their ill-gotten wealth harming the country with their immoral acts and feeling no shame or fear of retribution.
Because they know little about the facts about life in the Stalin years, young people perceive even “glamorous” overtones in these programs. The average young viewer sees Stalin as a Shakespearean character of both great evil and great genius.
Putting aside Kiva’s point about Stalin, look at how youth are positioned versus adults. Youth are the ones who are manipulated by the “larger than life” images of Stalin. The problem is not with the cultural production, which is made by adults, but with “the view of history among the young.” “Mature, educated adults” however have the correct historical view because they see Stalin as a “monster.” Adults have some sort of inherent access to the light, while young people remain in darkness by virtue of their youth.
A much different picture is created when you actually listen to youth’s voices. Contrast the above with an excerpt from Dmitry Polikanov’s “Russia’s Youth: Myths and Reality”. His assessment, which is based on VTsIOM (the All-Russia Center for Public Opinion Research) opinion polls, paints a much more positive picture.
Young people are also proactive. They have a totally different view of the role of state in the economy and the social sphere in comparison with other age groups. It is clear that the new generation is drifting more toward a traditional liberal world and away from traditions of paternalism. Thirty-seven to 42 percent of respondents in this age group say that they can do without help from the state, which they believe should focus instead on providing basic equal opportunities for all.
In order to achieve success, many 18-to-24-year-old respondents are ready to jettison existing moral principles that officially upheld by the older generation (62 percent). This view is shared by only 50 percent of those from the older group (25-to-34-year olds), who belong partly to a Soviet code of morality.
Therefore, the younger generation is one made up of optimistic realists trying to find a balance between universal liberty (in income and morality) and conservatism for all (with regard to family values).
Polikanov finds that Russian youth’s idols are not Stalin, but rather predictably actors, rock stars, sports stars, and the rich. Politically they tend to be more socially liberal, while politically moderate. The far left and right are mostly marginal, and in terms of youth organizations, Nashi is viewed more positively than the National Bolsheviks mostly because the former is “perceived as offering help up the career ladder through involvement with actual groups in power and social networking.” With youths like these adults can sleep soundly.
Much of the ambivalence in what youth are is lost among the anxiety ridden articles about the rise of Russian nationalism or every protest staged by the National Bolsheviks or the Red Youth Vanguard. I’ve been partly guilty of this myself as I too am fascinated by political radicalism among youth. Youth radicalism must be placed in a context in order to evaluate its potency.
The question however, and this is something I am dealing with in my own academic work is how do we represent youth so they are representing themselves? One way is to stop thinking of them as passive political subjects that are more susceptible than adults to political or ideological manipulation. They are political agents in their own right. The history of the 20th century shows this as will certainly that of the 21st.Post Views: 551