As a few of us discovered yesterday, the website for the pro-Kremlin youth organization Nashi is blocked for users with non-Russian IP addresses. Entering www.nashi.su into your favorite browser will turn up a “403 Forbidden” error. I’ve had limited success getting around this block using Russian proxy servers. While it happens that some websites and blogs are blocked by some countries (as Nathan Hamm at Registan.net recently discovered), I assume it seems less common that a site will block access to readers outside the host country.
Then again, one wonders if the problem has deeper meaning. According to a report from February a number of Russian nationalist sites have been blocked by the authorities. Hackers have retaliated with targeting pro-Kremlin sites.
The websites might also be out of service because of hackers’ back-to-back attacks on behalf of the nationalist and anti-fascist movements in
. Websites of the youth Nashi and Molodaia Gvardiia movements had also been out of service for some time. Russia
At the moment the Molodaia Gvardiia site is accessible and working. This brings me to believe that Nashi has blocked access to their own site. Kinda gives a whole new meaning to “Our own.”
If anyone has any additional information or theories, please pass them along.
You Might also like
By Sean — 7 years ago
I’ve been going through Komsomolskaya pravda for 1928 collecting articles on whatever I find interesting. And there’s a lot–1928 was a tumultuous year. Articles about the spread of fascism in Europe, particularly in Germany and Poland, and an increasing numbers of communist victims in Mussolini’s Italy were plastered across its pages. The war scare of 1927 spawned a rush of military preparedness among youth in the summer months of 1928. I can’t count how many articles about komsomols marching around Moscow with guns in hand conducting war games. War was in the air.
The firing ranges and marching columns of ersatz soldiers were just the beginning of the war games. The entire Komsomol organization was transformed into a virtual army as it shifted into high gear with the adoption of campiagnism. The targets for their operations, however, were not the fascists abroad, but society itself. There were Komsomol campaigns against illiteracy, campaigns for grain, campaigns for culture, campaigns against alcohol, campaigns against bureaucracy, and campaigns for this and campaigns for that. Komsomolskaya pravda‘s militaristic tone gave all these “fronts,” “battles,” “armies” and “cavalries” against the ills that plagued the Soviet social body a dire sense of desperation. In retrospect, all of this faux civil war rhetoric would prove to be a prelude to the real civil war against the countryside the next year.
Anxiety over the enemy without had its parallel for the enemy within. The Shakhty Trial and its “lessons” ignited the hunt for more wreckers and masked enemies. The Komsomol intensified its hunt to weed out the sons and daughters of Nepmen, priests, and kulaks and the generally corrupt and debauched from its ranks. The slogan fueling this hunt was samokritika, or self-criticism. Namely, this was the “rank and file” exercising “democracy” through the denunciation and expulsion of its leaders for their “immoral” behavior.
While the wave of denunciations shed light on the increasingly authoritarianism within the Komsomol, such acts, as the following short article from Kom pravda shows, were not without comedic elements
Two from the District Committee
“Mama won’t stand for it”
The extraordinary plenum of the Kupian district committee LKSM was alerted.
“To what affair? What happened?”
The question was soon answered. The secretary of the district committee, cde. Efanov reported that on these days the deputies of the organizational department and agitation and propaganda were fired and removed from the buro.
“For what reasons?”
Cde. Popov, the deputy of the org dept., an old komsomol and member of the Party, bragged to komsomols about his relations with prostitutes. Another member of the buro, Kashevatskii, on the contrary, preferred Komsomol girls. A fleeting relation and then abortion characterizes this district “Lion.” Doctors refused komsomolka B. an abortion. [Kashevatskii] had to marry her. But he found the words to explain his refusal:
“Well, how can I marry you? Think of it: I’m a Jew and you’re Russian. My mama won’t stand for this.”
His mother’s interests won out. B. decided to get an abortion. Sometime after, she became deranged and finally committed suicide. But Kashevatskii’s mother profoundly believes in the dovelike purity of her son.
The district plenum drove the rotten from the committee, and Kashevatskii from the League.
Komsomolskaya pravda August 28, 1928.Post Views: 297
By Sean — 9 years ago
“Who has the youth, has the future!” Though attributed to Martin Luther, this declaration has mostly been the providence of the modern states as they attempt to cultivate youth to ensure their future reproduction. Post-Soviet states are particularly keen to the importance of capturing youth. This is witnessed in the revival of Diet-Komsomol and Young Pioneer-lite groups like Nashi and Mishki in Russia or the Republican Youth League of Belarus. Now you can add one more group to the list: the Young Kadyrovtsy. “In the face of my comrades, I solemnly swear: I will devote all my strength, knowledge and intellect to [the] cause of serving the Motherland! I will always fulfill the laws of the kadyrovtsy!” a group of schoolchildren were shown declaring to a Chechen flag in a television report on the new movement. According to the North Caucasus Weekly, Chechnya strongman president, Ramzan Kadyrov is fertilizing his cult of personality among next generation with his own version of the Young Pioneers.
The website quoted an unnamed official in Chechnya’s Ministry of Education and Science as saying that the creation of a children’s organization similar to the Soviet Union’s Young Pioneers will help strengthen discipline in the republic’s schools, and raise the students’ level of responsibility and desire to excel. The official did not say whether the initiative to create the group had come from his ministry or at the local level. “The presence of some kind of student organizations in the schools is a good thing,” the official said. “It is enough to remember our childhood, when Pioneer and Komsomol organizations were operating in the country, when there was the Timurovsky movement [another Soviet-era youth movement-NCW].” He added: “Beginning with early childhood, such qualities as honesty, straightforwardness and mutual readiness to help are built in a person. It’s not important what this movement or organization is called. The main thing is that a feeling of patriotism and love for their Fatherland is instilled in children.”
Kadyrov claims that the organization is not in his honor, but in his father’s. When asked about the Young Kadyrovtsy in an interview with Komsomolskaya pravda, the president explained,
The Young Kadyrovtsy are in honor of my father, Akhmat Kadyrov, the first President of the Chechen Republic. The Young Kadyrovtsy must be the purest, most honest, proper and faithful. I am certain that these lads who understand the idea of the first President will never make any mistake. They will serve the state, they will serve the people (narod) and never betray Russia, and never do bad by it.
The Young Kadyrovtsy are part of a wider trend to promote youth into the Chechen government. And Kadyrov knows the power of youth by personal experience. It shouldn’t be forgotten that he’s only 32 years old. He then went on to explain how young people are vital to the Chechen state:
Irinia [the interviewer], if you observe the present situation in our Republic you will notice that we make an emphasis on youth. We appoint and elect mainly young people to key positions–the Minister of Education, the chancellor of the state university, the Chief of Staff to the President and Government, and the Mayor of Grozny. And we have many youth also in Parliament. Everywhere!
From this aspect, the future is in their hands.
Or, following Luther, in his.
Thanks to Lyndon for alerting me to the story.
Photo: Komsomolskaya pravda.Post Views: 260
By Sean — 9 years ago
Perhaps Nashi has found a purpose in Medvedev’s Russia: functioning as an army of provocateurs and spies. This week, Anna Bukovskaya, a former Nashist, blew the whistle on Nashi’s undercover operation to infiltrate and surveillance opposition youth organizations. In a statement published on Ilya Yashin’s blog, Bukovskaya stated:
I, Anna Aleksandrovna Bukovskaya, was the federal deputy leader of a hidden state project called the “President’s Messenger” (as it was called initially, as of December 2007 its name hadn’t changed), which practiced the infiltration of people into oppositional organizations in cities of the Russian Federation. The project has existed officially since 10 September 2007. Initially the project began in three cities: Moscow, St. Petersburg and Yaroslavl. The high priority organizations were the NBP (National Bolshevik Party), OGF (United Civil Front), Oborona, and MSYa (Yabloko Youth).
Bukovskaya goes on to explain her duties as a spy.
The main concern seemed to be in the impending actions of the opposition. Accordingly, this came in two types of reports: announcements (which were sent immediately as events became known) and as so-called material reports (reports which were sent as fact sheets (short information about a person) on the leadership (or its executive secretary) of opposition organizations. On these people were made short personal files with their background.
Lower agents passed this information to Bukovskaya, who sent it to Dmitry Golubyatnikov, the head of the project. He then “contacted “Surkov’s people” in the Kremlin,” as in Vladislav Surkov, Putin’s chief ideologist and now Medvedev’s Chief of Staff. Bukovskaya got a monthly stipend of $1,100 a month, while the lowly narcs got $550. She says that she finally quit the project when she realized that everything Nashi told her about the opposition “were complete lies.”
The Nashi spy ring expanded beyond the above mentioned cities. Nashi activists infiltrated groups in Voronezh, Ivanovo, Kaluga, Orel, and Kaliningrad. Also, the list of targeted organizations also grew to include: Red Youth Vanguard, United People’s Movement, Communist Youth League, Union of Right Forces, Russian Vanguard, and the Movement Against Illegal Immigration.
Nashi of course has denied the existence of “President’s Messenger” and that Bukovskaya was anything but a “rank and file” Nashist. “Nashi doesn’t get involved in such things,” Mikhail Kulikov, a senior Nashi member told the Moscow Times. Really? Then how do you explain the two Nashi members Oborona “unmasked” its St. Petersburg ranks?
Sadly, the more Nashi does, the more it acts like the Komsomol. Originality apparently went out the window decades ago. The Komsomol too made the point to “struggle” against the Boy Scouts, Menshevik and Socialist Revolutionary youth groups, and religious sects in the early 1920s. It even went a step further and requested the creation of a special section of the Cheka to “surveillance non-communist youth organizations,” according to one archival source. The request was granted by the Cheka Presidium in February 1922. All materials on youth groups were to be sent to a “secret Cheka department.” It’s unclear how active this special section was (I haven’t researched it and to my knowledge no one has), but the Komsomol continued to monitor “non-communist” and religious youth groups throughout the 1920s and 1930s, and most likely right up to 1991.
Interestingly, by the mid-1920s, external groups proved less of a problem than internal ones. Here I don’t mean your run of the mill Trotskyist. Komsomols began forming small groups and circles within the League itself. Most dedicated themselves to poetry (mostly devoted the cult-poet Sergei Esenin), street fighting, drunken nights and group sex. I’ve even found one called the League of Death in a report on two of its members’ suicides. Call if Soviet proto-Goth. Some were overtly political. Anarchist or Bolshevik left groups reared their little heads at times by flooding the TsK with denunciations of its work and manifestos. One nameless anarchist group even urged its adherents to join to Komsomol and destroy it from the inside.There were also a few fascist and nationalist groups, especially in the Far East. Some, like a Protestant sect called the New Israelite Movement, even adeptly used local Komsomol cells as fronts to proselytize among youth. That is, until its leaders were arrested in 1927.
The Komsomol was so obsessed with these small and most ineffective groups (only the religious ones seemed to make any real headway). Reams of paper were devoted to recording their intricate activities no matter how small. Sadly, it appears that Nashi is repeating history by conjuring similar anxieties.
Interesting stuff. I wonder how much more this will play out. The only thing I have to say to Bukovskaya is thanks for sharing and most importantly, watch your back. Also, if you have any internal documents on this matter, could you plaster them on the internet?Post Views: 358